When I read about the case of Sarah Steele, the woman strangled by an American pilot, I felt a familiar sickness in my stomach. It took me straight back to the day I lost my son Harry and to the months and years that followed, when the US authorities did everything they could to deny us justice. It is almost unbearable to think that another British family has now been put through the same ordeal. I thought those days were behind us following our high-profile case, and that the US military and British police had learned their lesson. Clearly not.

Samuel Alito almost certainly does not want to leave the Supreme Court now.

The 76-year-old jurist sits at the apex of his power, the muscular force behind a 6–3 GOP supermajority. He has been a pivotal senior voice in a right-wing court that has all but abandoned John Roberts’s patient incrementalism and pushed the nation sharply to the right on abortion, immigration, race, and voting rights while stripping independent agencies of regulatory power. If Republicans hold the House this fall, it will be thanks to court-sanctioned gerrymanders that have eviscerated Black representation across the South. And if Democrats manage to retake power in Washington this November and beyond, the precedents Alito has crafted, sometimes from whole cloth, will dramatically limit their agenda.

Donald Trump has again been accused of “brazen crypto corruption” after financial disclosures revealed his family’s cryptocurrency ventures generated more than $1bn in his first year back in the White House.

A 927-page disclosure, released on Tuesday by the US Office of Government Ethics, showed that the US president had been paid more than $2.2bn last year in total, from real estate, golf resorts, branded merchandise, licensing deals and court settlements.

Los valores de igualdad y libertad con los que Simón Bolívar fundó en 1825 Bolívar —poco después, Bolivia— se vinieron pronto abajo. Con la idea de romper cualquier lazo con la colonia, el libertador abolió el imperante sistema de castas y el tributo a los indígenas. Pero la utopía duró poco: el país nació en quiebra por la larga guerra de la independencia y se restableció el impuesto indigenal para sostener a la nación. Este y otros agravios postergaron los derechos ciudadanos de los nativos. Así lo sentencia el fallecido historiador Ramiro Condarco en su libro recientemente reeditado Zárate, el temible Willka. Historia de la rebelión indígena de 1899 (1965).